by David Ross, 18 February 2001. Updated 28 June
The earliest Hittite records are dubious. The annals of the
half-legendary founder of the state, Hattusilis I, contain what
would be the first invasion of Arzawa. This set the tone for
centuries of strife; eg. a treaty of Muwatallis II to Alexandros of
Wiluja refers back to it (Beckman p 87). However, these Annals
survive only in much later copies; Arzawa may be an anachronism
inserted by a redactor. An 'Arzawiya' appears in the Proclamation of Telipinus, also only extant in later copies.
Western Anatolia made its grand debut in the form of the
confederacy / rebellion of Assuwa, which a Tudhaliyas mentions
fighting in his annals of 1450 BC. Arzawa existed, but there is no
evidence that it aided the conspiracy (translation of CTH 142: all
available via the links on the right, further down the page).
Arzawa first acts on its own circa 1430 BC, as an enemy, where
appears in the treaties of the Hittite king Tudhaliyas II (Beckman
p 24). Other treaties are quoted in a fascinating internal memo,
the 'Indictment of Madduwattas' by Tudhaliyas' heir, Arnuwandas.
(Beckman pp 153-160. The 'Indictment' was first assigned to the end
of the Hittite kingdom, a mistake that persists to this day in
certain places.) Lastly, Arnuwandas had written of his father's
campaigns in CTH 143 that father and son had attacked Arzawa to the
south-west and then campaigned against Masa to the north-west; the
latter of which is corroborated in the later 'Deeds of Suppiluliumas'
(CTH 40, Bryce p 162). I suspect that Masa was across the
Hellespont in what became Thrace; and that its people were ancestors
to the Phrygians and Armenians.
According to these sources, Arzawa was ruled by a certain
Kupanta-Kurunta. These sources detail the rise to power over Arzawa
and the rest of the west by a failed despot over on the Hittite side
of the border by the name of Madduwattas.
Madduwattas (Madyattes?) faced a struggle in the Lukka Lands
(famously lawless) against a 'man from Ahhiya' (Achaia?), named Attarisiyas. Tudhaliyas gave Madduwattas asylum, and even gave him
(back?) the mountainous kingdom Zippasla with the Siyanti River
Land; but on condition that Madduwattas use it as a base to invade
Arzawa. When Madduwattas did this, Kupanta-Kurunta destroyed his
army (again) and occupied Zippasla. Once more Tudhaliyas defeated
Madduwattas' enemy and restored Madduwattas to his throne; this
portion of the Indictment and its quoted treaty are, I think,
corroborated in an event of CTH 143 where Tudhaliyas and Arnuwandas
together chased Kupanta-Kurunta out of his land and took his family hostage. And
once the imperial family had left, Madduwattas' previous nemesis
Attarisiyas attacked him again at Zippasla, with 100 chariots
(famously). This time Madduwattas did not even defend himself, but
fled a third time to the Hittites. Tudhaliyas sent a third army
under Kisnapili to the land to drive Attarissiyas out. This time,
the army was ordered to stay.
Madduwattas apparently then decided he was never again going to
suffer such indignities. When Dalawa (Lycian Tlawa, classical Tlos)
and Hinduwa rebelled, Madduwattas suggested that Kisnapili take
Hinduwa while Madduwattas take Dalawa. But while Kisnapili was on
his way to Hinduwa, Madduwattas allied with Dalawa, and with its
help ambushed and killed Kisnapili. Independent once more,
Madduwattas married the Arzawan king's daughter, and soon took that
kingdom too. When Tudhaliyas ordered Madduwattas to put down a
revolt in Happalla, he did - but then Madduwattas forced Happalla,
too, to switch loyalty to his own side. He then bullied Pitassa into
his kingdom, even closer to the Hittite heartland. Under
Tudhaliyas' hapless successor, Arnuwandas I, Madduwattas even allied
with his old foe Attarisiyas and invaded Alasiya (Cyprus).
Madduwattas had conquered the whole of western Anatolia.
Around this time of Hittite collapse, elsewhere in Anatolia the
Kaska burnt down the fort of Masat. Kuniholm's group has tree-ring
dated the last building to around 1375 BC, and the destruction
layer includes the Late Helladic IIIa style of Greek pottery.
Tarhunta-Radu succeeded Madduwattas around 1350 BC. Arzawa by
then had made Tuwanuwa - Tyana, 100 miles to Hattusas' south - and
Uda 'his frontier', and had initiated diplomatic correspondence with
Amenhotep III. Tarhunta-Radu even dared request, in Kneshian,
for the pharaoh's daughter's hand in marriage. The pharaoh's reply is missing; the
god-king probably found it offensive, and either way probably
ignored it (Bryce pp 140-9).
Zippasla disappeared from history after Madduwattas' takeover
of Arzawa. The next time the Hittites were able to address the whole
of Arzawa, they aimed for Apasas and bypassed Madduwattas' old
Around this time James locates a legendary event which went
unmentioned in the records of the now-contracted Hittite imperium:
the fall of Mount 'Sipylus' in what would become Lydia, by an
earthquake (recorded by Demokles on the 300s BC, and preserved by Strabo
I.iii.17 - James p 206). The mountain fell into a lake and swamped
the kingdom of 'King Tantalos'. Pausanias recorded the same
(VII.xxiv.6-7) on the shore of a 'Lake Saloe', as did Pliny Junior
(V.31). In other legends Tantalos was punished by having a rock
dangle over his head, proverbial for Archilochos (600s BC, quoted
in Pausanias X.xxi.2) and known to the Return of the Atreids (500s
BC), Plato (Cratylus 395D-E), and the Scholiast on the Odyssey.
Elsewhere Tantalos has to support a mountain (Antoninus Liberalis -
Relief of a Roman period Lycian at Sidyma in the Lukka lands
This legend existed in two of what I'd call 'oral recensions':
an Ionian Greek cycle concerning the Bearer King Tantalos and/or the
kingdom Tantalis; and Plato's 'Egyptian' - in reality, Lydian -
version, which had adopted the Greek term Atlantis for the kingdom.
James plausibly traced the name and some common aspects of the
stories to the 'Tlanz' or 'Tlantes', the Bearer(s), a Greek epithet
for Ubelleris and other Hurrian-derived bearing-gods I mentioned
above. Deducing that other aspects were memories of a prehistoric
kingdom, James looked for a mountainous region of western Anatolian
with lakes and pre-Greek artefacts. Following the nineteenth century
explorers Ramsay and Frazer, he found such a place in the Yarikkaya
ravine 'just east of ancient Magnesia', now Manisa (p 252-3).
If James were only looking for the Greeks' source for their
'Titan' legends, then so far so good. But James did not stop with
the prehistoric location, but tried to deduce the event as well.
Unfortunately there is no contemporary evidence, literary or
material, of an earthquake or a flood in this region during the
Bronze Age. James was forced to date the event to a gap in the
historical record of Arzawa. But these records are Hittite, not Arzawan. The reason the Hittites were unable to reach inner Arzawa
at that time is not that Arzawa was too weak, but that it was too
James further tried to identify Sipylos (and Sisyphos) with
Zippasla, and claimed that the Arzawans had moved their capital from
there to Apasas. Leave aside that place names are terrible evidence;
even James pointed this out, when dismissing the absurdity of
planting Atlantis in the Atlantic. More troublesome is that Zippasla
was not the founding capital nor was Madduwattas the founding father
of Arzawa. Before Madduwattas, Arzawa was outside Zippasla; after
Madduwattas, it ignored Zippasla. It is true that Madduwattas'
court lived in Zippasla before he took Arzawa, and that later rulers
lived elsewhere in Arzawa. There is no need to propose a natural
disaster for such a move, but simple military necessity; Arzawa was
further away and the region's most reliable enemy of the Hittites.
So what became of the land of Zippasla? Perhaps the Arzawans
struck back and destroyed it. Perhaps a Hittite king punished it.
Perhaps Madduwattas or a successor moved his capitol on his own.
Perhaps the plague of Suppiluliumas claimed it. For now this fruit
must remain out of reach.
Could mountainous western Anatolia have been the true location of
But James had not thought of every potential cause of Arzawan
decline and Greek myth. One recurring theme in these Atlantis
legends involves rocks from above. In addition to the examples
listed previously, Euripides' Orestes ties the much-abused Tantalos
to a 'bolos' swinging in orbit around Olympus. This theme cannot be
attributed to eruptions (like Thera), nor to earthquakes or floods.
The Hittite recovery
Eventually, the Hittites recovered - thanks to the military and
administrative geniuses Tudhaliyas III and his chief advisor
Suppiluliumas, later king himself. The 'Deeds of Suppiluliumas' is
the primary source here too (CTH 40). Tudhaliyas destroyed the
Arzawan fort Sallapa (which became the Hittites' staging post for
future campaigns) and re-conquered the Lower Land. He then retook
Tuwanuwa. The Arzawan leader Anzapahhadu routed an incursion under
the Hittite general Himuili, but succumbed to the next one under
Suppiluliumas (Bryce pp 163-4).
Suppiluliumas's son Mursilis (KUB XIX 22, another part of CTH
40) mentions as part of his father's reign the Hittite governor
Hannutti's reconquest of Hapalla - wrested by Madduwattas so long
ago. Later documents say it took Tudhaliyas and Suppiluliumas twenty
years to subjugate Arzawa (Bryce pp 164-5). Suppiluliumas must have
been he who took back Pitassa. Further west, Arzawa's hold seems to
have broken, with two cities undergoing internal strife without
interference from anyone but the king of Hatti.
In the kingdom of Mira in the Arzawa lands (probably the
northernmost, bordering Masa and Wilusa), king Maskhuiluwas'
brothers besieged him and forced him to flee to Hattusas. One of
them had named his heir 'Kupanta-Kurunta' after the Arzawan who had
stood up to the Hittites. Suppiluliumas understood this revolt as
dangerous for his frontier. Accordingly he had his daughter Muwatti
married to Maskhuiluwas, after which the couple returned to Mira
(Beckman p 74).
Meanwhile, in 'the Seha River Land' (probably just south of
Mira), the king Muwa-Walwis ('Lion-Might') ruled as far as Artemis
in Lesbos, according to Emory's Anatolian Conference attendee Hugh
Mason. But Muwa-Walwis died and bequeathed his throne to
Manapa-Tarhunta. The sources imply that M-T, as I will call him, was
one of the younger sons of this king. His older brothers plotted in
Then a plague struck the heartland of Hatti. Suppiluliumas died
of it and his battle-seasoned successor, Arnuwandas II, fell
incapacitated - apparently having to share rule with his cunning but
underage brother Mursilis. Hatti's enemies began to see their
chance, in Seha River and in the Kaska lands of Palhuissa.
Hittites hunting lion from a
In the Seha River Land: Manapa-Tarhunta's brothers, led by
Ura-Tarhunta, plotted to kill him; but M-T escaped to Karkiya (Caria).
Mursilis tried writing to U-T, but U-T dismissed him. Arnuwandas and
Mursilis then both wrote to the men of Karkiya to keep M-T safe. U-T
meanwhile proved to be both ineffectual and unpopular, as his method
of assuming rule presaged (Beckman pp 82-3; CTH 61, year 4).
Arnuwandas lived to see a revolt throw out U-T and reinstall
M-T; and the old general Hannutti marched from the Lower Land upon
the Kaska frontier town Ishupitta. But soon the plague claimed them
too. The still-youthful Mursilis II was left alone. During this
period, a certain Uhha-Ziti took Arzawa, and the Hittites' Kaska
clients Pazzannas and Nunnutas took over Ishupitta.
The merciless campaign
Mursilis did not deal with Arzawa at first. He moved against the
Kaska lands, first Ishupitta and then Palhuissa behind it. Next
spring he set off from Ankuwa (presumably in that area) into
Attarimma, Hu[wa]rsanassa, and Suruda. Their leaders fled to Arzawa.
When the Hittite king demanded their extradition, Uhha-Ziti defied
him and called him a 'child', bringing along for the ride a Manapa-Tarhunta who clearly felt he owed more to his people than to
the Hittites. Then, because the Kaska had rebelled again, Mursilis
chased Pazzannas and Nunnutas out of Palhuissa into Kammama; whose
citizens put the two fugitives to death. His northern frontier now
safe, the king returned to Ankuwa to muster troops.
In a campaign well-documented in his 'Ten Year Annals', the
young Mursilis invaded Arzawa. At Mount Lawasa just before the
Sehiriya River, Mursilis witnessed a 'thunderbolt' - probably a
meteor - streaking from the north-east into Apasas. At Sallapa,
Mursilis joined forces with his brother Sarri-Kusuh, whom their
father Suppiluliumas had appointed the king of Kargamis (Carchemish,
in Syria). At Aura, Maskhuiluwas of Mira informed the king that the
meteor had wounded Uhha-Ziti's knee (Bryce thinks, 'brought him to
his knees') and incapacitated him.
At some point Uhha-Ziti 'stepped after' - allied with - the king
of 'Ahhiuwa'. Emboldened by this, Uhha-Ziti's son Piyama-Kurunta
attacked Maskhuiluwas of Mira, possibly destroying Impa, but
Maskhuiluwas fended him off. Maskhuiluwas then turned on Hapanuwa,
probably at this time, and allied with Hatti. Mursilis sent Gullas
and Mala-Ziti (a Luwian) to raid the Ahhiyawan-allied city of
Lake Hotamiş in the Konya Plain,
the Hittite Lower Lands, which are home to occasional saltwater
His father being still incapacitated, Piyama-Kurunta took the
field at 'Walma, at the River Astarpa'. He lost. Uhha-Ziti (and both
his sons, in context) then fled to the islands just ahead of
Mursilis, who walked into Apasas apparently without a fight. The
Hursanassan, Surudan, and Attarimman 'deportees' fled to the
mountain Arinnandas and to the city Purandas. Mursilis and
Sarri-Kusuh successfully starved them out of Arinnandas, but the men
of Purandas would not hand their exiles over. While Mursilis was
encamped at the river Astarpa, Uhha-Ziti died.
Another son of Uhha-Ziti, Tapalazunaulis, returned from the
islands and took charge of the army at Purandas. Right after the
Festival of the Year Mursilis marched from the Astarpa, drove
Tapalazunaulis into the city, and invested it. At this point
Tapalazunaulis lost his stomach for warfare and fled with his family
and some deportees. Mursilis was able to capture them all but
Tapalazunaulis himself. Lacking leadership, Purandas fell swiftly.
Piyama-Kurunta at this point finally saw his cause was lost, so
he and the king of Ahhiyawa made landfall to sue for peace. Mursilis
deported P-K to Hattusas.
Mursilis then marched through the Seha River Land, where
Manapa-Tarhunta put on an especially obsequious display for the king
(Beckman p 83). Mursilis left him in charge of the river and of
Appawiya. Mursilis then came to Mira. He set up a number of
garrisons there, ostensibly to reward Maskhuiluwas for his help
against Piyama-Kurunta and to protect him from the people of Mira
(whom the Hittites did not trust). He also garrisoned Hapanuwa and
gave Maskhuiluwas the land of Kuwaliya. One of the garrisons he
built was Impa, which seems to have been a casualty of
Piyama-Kurunta's attack. A certain Targasnallis, otherwise unknown,
was given Hapalla (Beckman p 74) - which had been conquered before
the campaign and so presumably had undergone a change during it.
Both Targasnallis and M-T stayed there for at least ten more years.
The ruins of later Miletos (Hittite-era Milawata)
Mursilis had subdued the land in two years. For all three
kinglets of Mira, Hapalla, and Seha-River, Mursilis signed a treaty
recognising them as 'free men' - who of course were now Hittite
clients banned from joining together against him. Arzawa proper
never recovered, but other western kingdoms might cause trouble now
Maskhuiluwas and Muwatti were not blessed with children. They
wrote to Mursilis asking him to recognise their adoption of their
nephew Kupanta-Kurunta (Beckman p 74).
The intrigues of Masa
A western king with the Sumerograms É.GAL.PAP 'fomented
revolt' ten years into Mursilis's reign - in context, likely from
Masa, which had picked fights on Arzawa's behalf before (Bryce p
231; Beckman p 78). 'É.GAL' in Sumerian is 'great house',
usually 'palace'. 'PAP' is a father or a leader.
Maskhuiluwas again sent word of this to the king in accordance
with Hittite treaty standard. But this time Maskhuiluwas had tired
of Hittite support (rather like Madduwattas). He joined É.GAL.PAP
and incited Pitassa into rebellion as well (Beckman p 75).
Mursilis returned to Sallapa. When he summoned Maskhuiluwas,
Maskhuiluwas fled into Masa while his kingdom Mira-Kuwaliya
surrendered. Mursilis invaded Masa, causing much damage. Presumably
É.GAL.PAP was killed in that campaign. Masa's remnant had no
choice but to hand over Mira's rebel. Mursilis sent Maskhuiluwas to
Hattusas and installed his adopted son Kupanta-Kurunta in his stead.
Mursilis's successor, Muwatallis II, told Alexandros of Wiluja
that he did not trust the Arzawans (likely with Mira on his mind).
At this time, Manapa-Kurunta was ruling over the Seha River. Insofar
as Hapalla ever counted as an Arzawa-land, it was now being run by
an 'Ura-Hattusa' who must have been Luwian only by name. At Mira,
the adopted son of Muwatti sister of Mursilis, Kupanta-Kurunta, was
considered a family member of the Great King himself; and so
Alexandros was duty-bound to help K-K even against his own people if
need be (Beckman p 90).
A computer reconstruction of the Lion Gates at Hattusa, capital of
the Hittite kingdom
Muwatallis had to say this, because the old state of Masa
bordering Wiluja and Mira had apparently learnt to hate the line of
Mursilis. Masa had attacked Wiluja and so Muwatallis had destroyed
it - again (p 88). (Gurney thinks that the Piyama-Radu and
Tawagalawas affair occurred around this time; and the letter - to
the Seha River Land? Mira? - recalling the deposition of Walmu and
the plundering of Miletos in Beckman pp 144-6 refers back to that
event; the recipient's evil father could well be Piyama-Radu
The last days of Arzawa
But Muwatallis felt confident enough in Arzawan loyalty to
enlist them and their neighbours - including even Masa - as allies
against the Egyptians at Kadesh of the Orontes (1285 BC, northern
Syria), as recorded by Pharaoh Ramses II [Barnett 1975, 360].
Gurney now considers this the earliest possible time to place
the activities surrounding the reinstallation of Walmu of Wilusa
(Beckman pp 144-6); Marino dates the event later, to Tudhaliyas IV.
When Urhi-Teshub came to the throne of Hatti as Mursilis III,
he deposed some of the governors of the old Arzawan states. While
this established his firm control over the west (Machiavelli would
have approved), such high-handedness did not fly at home. During the
ensuing rebellion, Arzawa became Urhi-Teshub's power base,
ironically enough supporting the claim of the rightful king.
Up until the reign of Tudhaliyas IV (whose inscriptions
embellish the mountains of western Asia Minor to this day), Arzawa
remained firmly in the Hittite camp. But Marino dates to this time a
letter claiming that another 'Tarhuna-Radu' was stirring up trouble
in Seha River; KUB XXIII.13.
Arzawa appears to have been a victim of the Sea Peoples. Whereas
the cities of central Anatolia were burnt, western Anatolia was
As a final footnote, the Medinet Habu reliefs of Ramses III
contain several scenes of campaigns in Asia during which the pharaoh
claimed to have taken 'the town of Arzawa' (as well as Tunip and
Amor). Archaeologists agree that these pictures are anachronistic,
probably based on Ramses II's monuments.
The ruins of the city of Troy are commonly accepted to be the same
as the Hittite ally, Wilusa
Arzawa and a rough estimation of its borders at the kingdom's
Key dates in known Arzawan history:
c.1450 BC Arzawa controls the solid green
section of the map, including Tarhuntassa, but probably not the
Lower Land (hatched areas are debatable)
c.1430 BC Madduwattas, from his mountain
kingdom of Zippasla and with Hittite help, conquers Arzawa
c.1370s BC Arzawa gains the Lower Land up
to Tuwanuwa and Tyana, but within twenty years loses it and all
of Tarhuntassa to the Hittites
c.1350 BC Arzawa appears to fragment.
Mira, Masa, the Seha River Land, and Happalla all emerge as
sub-kingdoms within Arzawa
c.1335-1325 BC Under Uhhaziti much of the
kingdom is reunited. The Hittites under Mursili II invade and
conquer it, recognising the sub-kingdoms as direct vassal
kingdoms (various subsequent rebellions notwithstanding)
I started non-biblical history projects like
this on 18 February 2001. 24 Feb: used Bryce to flesh out
Madduwattas. 28 Feb: split Good James (tracing the legend) from Bad
James (locating Atlantis). 22 Oct,
improved clarity in places, based on notes taken two months ago and
mislaid in my car (sorry!). 9 Mar 2005: I've been meaning to update
this for years, for clarity's sake if nothing else; but now I've got
some more primary sources so I figured I don't have further excuse
for procrastination. 17 May 2005: found map of Purunda and a whole
mess o' abstracts, and further decided to look into theophoric
names. 9 May 2006: I found copies of the 'Luwian glossary' around
the place. The Emory abstracts have been taken offline, so I tagged
them as such and moved the master reference to the Bibliography.
I've consolidated the 'KUB' index numbers with the CTH, and linked
them. 19 May: Redirected the Mursilis Annals from http://www.multimania.com/hatti/texts/mursili1-8.html;
expanded on the roles of Masa and Sallapa; applied more
web-accessible texts; expanded on the role of plague and of the
Kaska rebellion on Mursilis I's Arzawa policy.
I started the Arzawa page in early 1997 and pretty much ignored it
until now, except for 28 June 2000. I don't have the command of nor
the access to Hittite that I have of/to Greek, and I've grown
addicted to primary sources and text-criticism.
Thank you, Ian, for pointing me to your translation; it should
have been up here earlier.
The letter 's' is pronounced 'sh', 'h' is
'kh', 'z' is 'tz', 'w'
may have been intermediary between 'v' and 'w' based on how the
Greeks ended up spelling it, and certain '-iya' and '-isa' suffices
may be '-izha' based on how names like Karkiya and Karkisa refer to
the same place. And the lack of a letter 'o' is a limitation of Sumero-Akkadian cuneiform, not necessarily a feature of Hittite.
Note how Hebrew uses the 'w' it inherited from Ugaritic and
Egyptian. These are things to keep in mind when considering the
strange case of Wilusa Taruisa, now known to have occupied the land
we know as Ilios Troia.
I have tried to spell the words as if the letter
'h' never existed in English. I could not however resist turning the
'h' into a 'kh' and 's' into 'sh' in places where the 'h' or lack thereof
would have caused confusion. I can just about cope with Tudhaliyas.
But if I can't spell Pithanas Pitkhanas, Alalah Alalakh, Kanes
Kanesh, etc, then I won't be able to pronounce them right. And I don't
understand why so many scholars leave off the '-s' nominative
suffix. Do we call Julius Juliu? or Sophocles Sophocle? What
For the near-final word on Hittite history, use Bryce. For the
rest of Bronze Age Anatolian culture, use Gurney. It may be dated,
so keep an eye out for a new edition. For those who wish Bryce had
included illustrations, get-but-don't-read Macqueen, who has little
The primary sources for Arzawa are Hittite and Egyptian. The
Hittites had to put up with these annoying hillmen, so their sources
are better. There are four sites with contemporary tablets so far.
Kultepe / Kanesh / Nesas is not one of those sites; the only archive
there comes from an Assyrian merchant colony within a kingdom that
far, far predates Arzawa. Also the sundry hieroglyphic Luwian
inscriptions haven't told us much.
The most important site is Hattusas/Boghazkale. It was the
capital except for a very brief layover in Tarhuntassa, and the
texts are relevant. Most of that's been published already.
In the 1990s they found Sapinuwa at Ortakoy, a few dozen miles
to Hattusas' north-east. These documents are administrative in
nature, and have been loudly announced on the web at: http://www.focusmm.com.au/civcty/ortky_00.htm.
But they are on the wrong side of the capital for our purposes and
(as far as I know) haven't been published.
Masat was another Kaska frontier town. Gary Beckman wrote
something on the provincial administration there: http://www.umich.edu/~neareast/pages/faculty/beckman.htm.
Sarissa has been also found, or at least mentioned, at Kusakli.
Its texts are published, too: http://www.vml.de/english/ks/ks1.htm.
Unfortunately the building is religious and not political. What they
published was the Sarissan edition of 'Goat Sacrificing For
Please feel free to send me e-mail via the link
on the right. Especially if you have any
suggestions concerning this page. And if I'm violating copyright
laws, please tell me.
Beckman, Gary - Hittite Diplomatic Texts,
Second Ed, Scholars Press, Atlanta, 1999
Bryce, T - The Kingdom of the Hittites,
Drews, R - The End of the Bronze Age, 1993
James, Peter - The Sunken Kingdom,
Jonathan Cape, London, 1995. Overview and introduction available via
the link on the left
Gurney, O R - The Hittites, 1991
Lowell, Ian Russell - Annals of Mursili, Years
1 to 8