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Celtic Kingdoms of the British Isles
Celts of Britain
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Dobunni
The territory of the Celtic Dobunni lay to the west of the
Catuvellauni.
To the north they were bordered by the
Cornovii, to the west by the
Silures, to the south by the
Durotriges, and to the
south-east by the Atrebates
and Belgae. Their territory initially
comprised northern Wiltshire and southern Gloucestershire, the locations of the
earliest coin distributions. The tribe later expanded into western Oxfordshire,
northern Gloucestershire, north-eastern Somerset, Avon, parts of Hereford and
Worcester, and also South Warwickshire. They were a non-Belgic people who were
organised around an impressive series of hill forts, mostly overlooking the Avon
Gorge, but who were showing considerable signs of Belgic influence. Generally the
people lived in small villages and farmed the fertile land.
It has been suggested that they were little more than a division of the Atrebates,
and only gained independence during the reign of the
pro-Roman Tincommius
in the late first century BC. If this was the case then the Dobunni were probably
an earlier people who had been pushed out of their territory by the arrival of the
Atrebates, and subjugated along the way. The tribe's name is obscure, but a possible
explanation also suggests an identity problem, either two tribes that formed a minor
confederation or perhaps two halves of a single tribe. In the Dobunni name, 'do-' may
be equivalent to 'du-' and would mean 'two', while 'bun' appears to be proto-Celtic for
'origin'. So, taking a rather large leap, the name might just indicate a tribe that was
formed from two smaller ones.
By the first century (circa 35 BC) the Dobunni borders abutted those of the Atrebates,
and the coinage of both tribes seems to be found in parallel, although the Dobunni ejected
the Romanised Atrebatean coins which appeared from 30/20 BC. By AD 20/25, the Dobunni also
found themselves bordering the powerful Catuvellauni, although they seem to have been on
friendly terms with this powerful tribe.
(Additional information by Edward Dawson, and from The Oxford History of England: Roman
Britain, Peter Salway, and Glevum - The Roman Origins of Gloucester,
Nigel Spry.)
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1st century BC |
Throughout the course of the century there is evidence in
the region of a new wave of settlements. Some earlier hill forts appear to
fall out of use while others continue to be occupied. Some new settlements
are enclosed, replacing older, open settlements, while other settlements
remain unaltered. The pattern of change is uneven and occurs at different
times across the century. The building of the grand enclosure settlement of
The Bowsings which replaces The Park open settlement occurs at the start of
the century, while the Duntisbourne enclosed settlement appears to be
created towards the end of the century. The inference is of the slow
in-filtering of a new people, probably Belgic people from the
Atrebates
or Belgae regions to the east. |
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c.5 BC - AD 7 |
If
the Dobunni are indeed vassals of the Atrebates,
or a constituent part of the tribe as is sometimes suggested, then it is in
this period that they declare their independence. Atrebatean nobles, angered
by the pro-Roman
stance of Tincommius in direct opposition to the policy of
his father and grandfather, seem either found the tribe of the Dobunni from
an earlier subjugated people or liberate the westernmost Atrebateans (or
possibly a combination of both).
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These silver coins were issued by the Dobunni in the first half
of the first century AD
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Coinage exists in this period, which is issued from several sites up until
the Roman invasion. There is no certainty that all (or any) of the issuers
are overall kings of the Dobunni tribe. Instead, the tribe may regularly
enjoy dual kingship, and perhaps even that level of unity may be beyond
them. There is evidence of coinage being issued from Bagendon,
Ditches, and possibly Salmonsbury during this period. |
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fl c.10 - c.30 |
Anted- |
Name found on
coinage only. King of north & south Dobunni. |
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fl c.30 |
Eisu- |
Son? Name found on
coinage only. King of north & south Dobunni. |
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Inam- / Inara- |
Name found on
coinage only. King of north & south Dobunni. |
c.35 - 40 |
The
Dobunni appear to fracture into northern and southern divisions, or else
they are simply returning to the order that may have existed before
unification under Anted. |
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Catti- |
Name found on
coinage only. King of the north. |
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Comux- |
Name found on
coinage only. King of the south. |
43 |
By
now the tribe has certainly
divided in two. The north-eastern part, stretching from the southern side of
the Stroud Valley to north-eastern Gloucestershire and western Oxfordshire, is issuing
Romanised coinage. In Avon and southern Gloucestershire, the remnant is issuing coins of
a native type. There are also two distinctive pottery styles in use which
show a north-south split. The suggestion is that the Catuvellauni
have gained some sort of control over the north-eastern section of the Dobunni by this
stage. This would certainly be in line with their policy of subjugating
neighbouring kingdoms. |
fl 43 |
Bodvoc- / Boduoc-
/ Bodvoccus? |
King of the
north-eastern pro-Roman Dobunni. |
fl 43 |
Corio- |
King
of the south-western native Dobunni. |
43 |
With the
defeat of the Catuvellauni
by
Roman Governor
Aulus Plautius and Emperor Claudius, part of the Dobunni appear to surrender
themselves to Plautius by means of envoys. It seems
likely that the surrender is made by Bodvoc in defiance of his Catuvellaunian
overlords. It cannot be long before the rest of the Dobunni are conquered, and
within a year a fort has been established at Corinium (modern Cirencester).
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43 - 47? |
There is reason
to believe that the ex-Catuvellaunian
king, and High King,
Caratacus, shelters with the remaining anti-Roman
section of the Dobunni. By AD 47 the area is almost certainly included in the
occupied or supervised Roman territory so perhaps this forces him to join the
Silures. The collective
Dobunni remain a Roman client tribe until about AD 97. |
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c.49 |
The
earliest phase of building in the city of Glevum (Gloucester) is begun. A
Roman legionary fort is founded at what is now Kingsholm, close to an
Iron Age settlement, overlooking the River Severn (although its course has
since changed). The fort probably houses the Twentieth Legion (although a
sizable body of opinion prefers the Second Legion). It is located in the
(possibly friendlier) northern region of
Dobunni territory, commanding the mouth of the River Severn (Sabrina Fluvius)
near the Fosse Way,
and is probably close to the southern borders of
Cornovii territory. |
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61 |
During
the Iceni-led revolt in
the east, the Silures,
Ordovices, Dobunni, and perhaps the
Durotriges are probably pinned down by the
Roman
Second Legion and are unable to join Boudicca. The presence of the legion,
under Poenius Postumus, is perhaps due more to fortune than planning. When
Governor Suetonius marches back from Wales to reassemble the scattered Roman
forces at a location in the Midlands, Postumus refuses to move. Possibly he
is influenced by memories of the death of the praefectus castrorum at
the hands of the Silures during the governorship of Ostorius. When he hears
of Suetonius' victory against Boudicca, Postumus kills himself and his
legion joins the governor in the field. |
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c.66 |
The
Kingsholm fortress is prone to flooding so a new and
larger fortress is built on the higher ground one kilometre to the south, at
what becomes Gloucester Cross. It is around this fort that a civilian
settlement grows up, forming the early city. Troops
are based here in the build up to the invasion of
Wales, with the first
strike being against the Silures
and Demetae. However, this is
apparently delayed by the events of AD 69, the 'Year of Four Emperors'. |
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mid-70s |
The
Roman fort at Corinium (modern Cirencester) is vacated by legionaries who are probably off to
fight the Silures
and Demetae. In their place,
the Dobunni tribal civitas of Corinium Dobunnorum is founded, perhaps as a
replacement for the tribe's possible client status. The Ala Gallorum Indiana
auxiliary cavalry unit is (or remains) based here, as evidenced by a
tombstone dated to this period on stylistic grounds. Over the next
couple of decades the city's street grid is laid out and slowly filled, mostly by
stone public buildings, private dwellings and shops. The forum and basilica
are the largest in
Britain
apart from those on Londinium. |
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87 |
Following its campaigns in
Wales and then in
Pictland with Agricola, the
Twentieth Legion returns to Glevum. The fortress undergoes major changes, with
wood being replaced with stone, and new buildings with outer stone walls and
timber-framed internal partitions. The general defences are also greatly
enhanced, making them amongst the most impressive in
Britain
to date. |
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96 - 98 |
Roman Emperor Nerva designates the fort and settlement of Glevum a colonia
- Colonia Nervia Glevensium - a self-governing citizen colony regulated by a council and
four magistrates. This certainly ends whatever client tribal status the
Dobunni may have experienced since the Conquest. Legionaries settle there as a kind of
demobilised reserve, officially retired but liable to be recalled as an
auxiliary force should trouble arise in the sometimes fractious western
country. A basilica which houses the administrative body, and a forum which
acts as a market place are also added. Within fifteen years, civilian
buildings replace the original fortress. |
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2nd century |
The
region is blessed with particularly good soil for
Roman farming methods, and
there is a significantly high rate of villa-building. The
Chedworth and Woodchester villas are amongst their number, both of which
possess high quality mosaics. Chedworth is one of the largest villas in the
entire country, built facing east (which is unusual), in a sheltered spot
overlooking the River Coln. Glevum itself is at its height, and has reached
its largest extent. Both it and Corinium are fortified towards the end of
the century. |
165 - 180 |
Plague enters
Rome
from the east, brought back by returning legionaries. It quickly spreads throughout
the empire and is generally known as the Antonine Plague. When it arrives in
Britain
it strikes hard. In 2004, archaeologists uncover the remains of ninety-one men,
women and children dumped haphazardly into a mass grave at Glevum. The bones
are dated to this period, and are unusual as the Romans are typically very
careful about interring their dead. The situation must be fairly dire.
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The Antonine Plague that killed these people is thought to have
been smallpox
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3rd century |
Archaeologists later unearth a tombstone dating to this century which bears
an inscription of someone who has served in the Twentieth Legion. Although the
legion itself had supposedly left Glevum by the end of the first century AD,
there seem to be a remaining link, perhaps due to Glevum being created a
colonia for the legion in AD 97. |
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c.300 - 306 |
Around the very start of the fourth century, changes take place at Glevum.
The second century wall is replaced by one that is stronger and higher, and
with deeper foundations in places. Similar refortification takes place at
Caerwent (in the Ewyas district)
and Caerleon (in the Cernyw
district), as preparations to face a possible threat from the River Severn.
The threat is probably presented by a sudden increase in
Scotti raids from Ireland,
but whether the defences are ever put to the test or not is unknown. Perhaps
linked to this threat, and others, in 305-306, the
Diocese of the
Britains is sub-divided into four provinces. Glevum probably serves as
the capital of Britannia Prima, and perhaps even has its own mint. |
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c.325 |
Around this date the beautiful Orpheus mosaic is laid down in Woodchester
villa, not far from Glevum, which remains inhabited until the end of the
century. |
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mid-5th century |
The
region which had belonged to the Dobunni, with extra territory to the north
and south apparently now included, appears to emerge as a new territory in
its own right.
Caer Gloui is unnamed by
any contemporary accounts, but the city which bears that name (modern
Gloucester) would be a highly likely candidate to be a regional capital. It,
rather than the Dobunni civitas of Corinium Dobunnorum (modern Cirencester),
has a commanding position overlooking the Severn, while the stronghold of
Amesbury further to the east of Corinium guards that side of the territory. |
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Caer Gloui
The
Romano-British city of Caer Gloui had been founded by the
Romans
as Glevum (modern Gloucester). It was first settled around AD 49 as a
legionary fort, and a city grew up around it. During the fourth century it
probably served as the capital of the province of Britannia Prima within the
Diocese of the
Britains, and it
seems to have retained its importance into the fifth century. While the
later name of Caer Gloui is used here, the name of the territory itself has
not survived, and in the fifth century the city may instead have been known
as Glouvia.
Central administration of
Britain appears to have
broken down in the mid-fifth century, to the extent that the regions began
to establish partially or wholly independent districts or kingdoms. The
administration at Caer Gloui found itself in command of much of the land
around the mouth of the Severn, which also encompassed the cities of
Caer Baddan and
Caer Ceri to the south,
essentially making it a successor to the former
Dobunni
tribal territory. In the sixth century, the Romanised district evolved into
a kingdom, and its fall is noted in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.
The incoming Hwicce who took
control of the area maintained the city's name, mispronouncing it in their very individual Teutonic
language, so that it survives today. Romano-British Glou became Saxon
gloe added to -cester from the Latin castrum (fort),
emerging as Gleawanceaster (Gloucester).
Just about all the (extremely scanty) information we
have about the post-Roman city and the events of the sixth century comes from Gildas' De Excidio Britannia, Nennius' Historia
Brittonum, and Geoffrey of Monmouth's Historia Regum Britanniae,
plus a little from Bede. While Gildas and Bede can be said to be reliable,
Nennius seems to be less so, and Geoffrey is prone to wild flights of fancy
while still retaining a distinct foothold in events that must have been
recorded by sources earlier than him.
Vortigern has a claim on the region as a power base until his fall in the
mid-fifth century. After that, it seems highly likely that Caer Gloui was one of
the centres of operations for Ambrosius Aurelianus during his battles against the
Saxons in the south. It is possible that his father also called this
territory home. Descendants of the two men seem to have based their claim on
the later kingdom on this, if Ambrosius himself didn't specify their
continued rule in the city, which is a possibility.
(Additional information by Edward Dawson.)
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c.410 - c.446 |
Aurelius Ambrosius (the Elder) |
Roman senator and pro-Roman.
Killed by plague. |
c.410 - 418 |
Aurelius
Ambrosius is the official representative of
Roman Emperor Honorius to the
British provincial council
and is claimed as a prince, marking him out as a member of the Romano-British
nobility. The country is reorganising at this time, following the expulsion
of Roman administration, but links with Rome are clearly being maintained. |
c.418 - 425 |
This period is said to witness the increasing influence
and power of Vortigern of the
Pagenses, culminating in his high-kingship. The provincial
council decides, and external factors dictate, the need for strong, central,
leadership in the country, and the impression is that Aurelius Ambrosius is
not strong enough to offer a viable alternative. It seems that he and Vortigern form the figureheads for
opposing parties, but for the moment it is the latter who has dominance.
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c.432 - 436 |
Aurelius Ambrosius is apparently a leader of a
British
council, which presumably answers to Vortigern. It is his decision to confirm
the Irish Deisi
as commanders of the Demetia area of the west coast to
counter the threat of Irish
raiders. Vortigern acquiesces and assigns Ambrosius 'Dinas
Emrys and all the western lands', suggesting that Ambrosius becomes the architect for
the defence of these western areas. This is motivated by the council's reluctance to
depend entirely on
Saxon mercenaries, with their constant demands for
increased provisions, especially in an area were they would be lightly
supervised. The Deisi have already been settled for some time and would be
self-supporting.
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With discord building in the country between about 420-450, many
Romano-Britons left in a hurry, burying their wealth in the hope
that they could return in better times to collect it
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c.437/438 |
According to Gildas and Nennius when referring to either
Aurelius Ambrosius or his son, this family represents the Romanised
nobility in
Britain.
It is possible that by this time, as elsewhere, a
magistrate is in charge of the governance of Caer Gloui (and seemingly
Caer Baddan and
Caer Ceri too, given that
the three cities are closely linked). Given the later role of Ambrosius
Aurelianus in this region, it seems entirely possible (although hypothetical),
that his father now fills this position.
Ambrosius (the Elder)
has long been Vortigern's main rival, with it seeming likely that they not only head
two opposing factions in the country, but also opposing ideologies, with Ambrosius
retaining his Romanised,
Roman Church
background while Vortigern is leader of the Pelasgian pro-Celtic party.
Around this year, internecine warfare breaks out between the two rival
factions, resulting in the Battle of Guolloppum (Cat Guolph, Wallop in
Hampshire). The result is uncertain, but it is probably followed by a
period of civil strife in eastern and southern Britain. |
c.440 - 443 |
In the early 440s the
Saxon foederati and laeti revolt, causing widespread chaos and
temporarily controlling swathes of the country. Soon after this, the
defences of both
Caer Baddan and
Caer Ceri are
repaired. In the latter, flood prevention work is carried out on the Verulamium gate.
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446 |
Serious plague hits southern
Britain and unburied
bodies are to be found in the streets of
Caer Ceri. The town contracts to some
wooden huts inside the amphitheatre.
It is this point at which Ambrosius the Elder, who must be an old man in his
sixties, also dies, "in these same broils", ie. the
Saxon revolt, although according to tradition it is the plague which
actually claims him. Ambrosius' surviving family is in hiding
by now (traditionally in Armorica),
avoiding the vengeful clutches of Vortigern. An archaeological excavation at a site
in modern Gloucester produced an early fifth-century secondary burial in a
Roman
funerary building with indications that the man had been of high rank. Could
this have been Ambrosius the Elder?
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446 - 455 |
At the same time as the Anglo-Saxon mercenaries in the east revolt (in 455),
the entrance to Caer Gloui's amphitheatre is reduced in size to make it easier to defend,
and life continues, as evidenced by fifth and sixth century pottery.
There is a gap in what can be pieced together of the story at this point, with
Ambrosius Aurelianus, the son of Ambrosius the Elder, not emerging into
British affairs until perhaps
455 or 460. Given the period at which he appears to be at his most
influential, his date of birth is probably around 430, making him too young to
succeed his father immediately as a possible magistrate of Caer Gloui, so it
seems likely that someone else, a possible deputy or one of Vortigern's
supporters, assumes command.
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c.446 - c.455? |
? |
Name unknown, possibly a deputy of Aurelius Ambrosius. |
c.455 - c.480? |
Ambrosius Aurelianus |
Son
of Aurelius Ambrosius. Magistrate? High King? |
c.455 - c.496 |
Ambrosius (and perhaps the elusive Arthur after him) seems to base himself in
the territory of Caer Gloui. Amesbury (which in a Saxon charter of about 880 is
spelled Ambresbyrig, 'the stronghold of Ambrosius'), located on the territory's
eastern borders, is perfectly suited to be the focus of Ambrosius' military
operations. He probably governs the territory as a
Roman
magistrate rather than as a princeps or king (although he is claimed
as the first king by later chroniclers).
It seems likely that the Wansdyke is constructed around this time, possibly
in response to further
Saxon incursions to the east. Groups from the
Thames Valley
appear to force their way into the western end of neighbouring
Cynwidion while further groups
from the Middil Engle push through the
Vale of Aylesbury to complete the encirclement of that kingdom, exposing
Caer Ceri's eastern
border in the process. There is the possibility that during this period
Glevum's residents leave in some numbers to head to
Cernyw, on the other side of
the Severn, although the connection is tenuous apart from the change in that
kingdom's name to Glywyssing around 470-480.
All
building and repair work on major new defensive works probably comes to an
end with the British victory of Mons Badonicus around 496, with the siege
possibly being fought outside
Caer Baddan. |
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? |
Name unknown. |
c.500 |
The city shows modest re-growth now that peace has been won, and later
archaeology shows that a new north gate is created in the city's walls at the
beginning of the sixth century. The old gate is now ruined and blocked.
However, by this time, the old city is in a very run-down state, and new
building work is only in wood. The focus of settlement seems to be nearer
the river, away from the
Roman
city which has suffered from assault and plague during the previous century. |
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? |
Name unknown. |
c.540 |
The
three cities, Caer Gloui,
Caer Baddan and Caer Ceri,
still apparently form a single kingdom (called Guenet by Nennius). This seems to
be partially borne out when Gildas
infers that Aurelius Caninus is ruling his kingdom as a single political entity instead of one of three minor
states. |
fl 540 |
Aurelius Caninus |
High King. Named by Gildas.
Still ruled the united three cities? |
c.550 |
Around this time, either upon the death of Aurelius or his successor, the unnamed fifth king,
the single kingdom based at Caer Gloui divides into
Caer Baddan, Caer Ceri
and Caer Gloui. This is probably a result of the kingdom being divided between sons,
an act that is based on traditional Celtic practise. The act suggests that a
true kingship is being practised by this time, rather than the previous
Romanised
role of magistrate.
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Despite the focus of settlement now being away from the old
fort, Glevum's Roman walls were still very much in use in the
sixth century
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? |
Name unknown. |
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c.570s |
The name of the last king is rather remarkable in that it breaks down as
'Con' meaning 'dog' and 'mail/fael' meaning servant. Speculatively speaking,
this 'dog servant' may have links to the kings of
Glastenning to the south.
The king there, Cyndrwyn Glas, is also king of
Dogfeilion, which name means
'servant of [the god] Dagda'.
However, a much more likely reason is the sense of humour sometimes
exhibited by the Welsh (even today) in naming their offspring. Conmail's
grandfather, Aurelius Caninus, may well have been alive at the time of his
birth. What better jest than to poke gentle fun at the mostly pagan naming
convention of 'Cuno-' ('cyn') added to this or that god than by naming someone
just plain 'dog' (Aurelius Caninus, the latter being the Latin for dog), and
then in his grandson combining it with the mostly Christian convention of
mal/mail/mael? |
? - 577 |
Conmail / Cynfael |
Killed fighting the West Seaxe. |
577 |
Caer Gloui, together with
Caer Baddan and Caer
Ceri, falls to the West Seaxe
following the Battle of Deorham or Dyrham (an event which is rather obtusely
doubted by some but which would be entirely in keeping with the pattern of
Saxon advance to the west). With this collapse, the territory of
Caer Celemion
to the east is now totally isolated, and
Dumnonia is cut off
from any overland contact with other surviving
British
territories. Gwent and
Pengwern now form the
western frontier against further Saxon advances. The
Hwicce
take over the territory and eventually push its borders north into
Worcestershire, at the expense of Pengwern. However, rather than simply
sweep away all that is British, they appear to form a new top layer of
aristocracy over a largely British population that retains much of what it
had before, possibly even down to its church organisation. |
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