The
territory of the
Celtic
Dobunni lay to the west of the
Catuvellauni.
To the north they were bordered by the
Cornovii, to the west by the
Silures, to the south by the
Durotriges, and to the
south-east by the Atrebates
and Belgae. Their territory
initially comprised northern Wiltshire and southern Gloucestershire, the
locations of the earliest coin distributions. The tribe later expanded into
western Oxfordshire, northern Gloucestershire, north-eastern Somerset, Avon,
parts of Hereford and Worcester, and also South Warwickshire. They were a
non-Belgic
people who were organised around an impressive series of hill forts, mostly
overlooking the Avon Gorge, but who were showing considerable signs of
Belgic
influence. Generally the people lived in small villages and farmed the fertile
land. (See the map of most of
Europe's
tribes around the first centuries BC and AD to view the tribe's location
in relation to all other Celts.)
It has been suggested that they were little more than a division of the
Atrebates, and only gained independence during the reign of the
pro-Roman
Tincommius in the late first century BC. If this was the case then the Dobunni
were probably an earlier people who had been pushed out of their territory by
the arrival of the Atrebates, and subjugated along the way. The tribe's name
is obscure, but a possible explanation also suggests an identity problem - either
two tribes that formed a minor confederation or perhaps two halves of a single
tribe. In the Dobunni name, 'do-' may be equivalent to 'du-' and would mean 'two',
while 'bun' appears to be proto-Celtic for 'origin'. So, taking a rather large
leap, the name might just indicate a tribe that was formed from two smaller
ones.
By the first century (circa 35 BC) the Dobunni borders abutted those
of the Atrebates, and the coinage of both tribes seems to be found in
parallel. The suggestion is, once again, that the Atrebates were overlords
of the Dobunni. However, the Dobunni ejected the Romanised Atrebatean coins
which appeared from 30/20 BC and began producing their own coins, suggesting
a claim of independence. By AD 20/25, the Dobunni also found themselves
bordering the powerful Catuvellauni, although they seem to have been on
friendly terms with this powerful tribe. Part of their number may have been
formed by a speculated 'raven clan' on the northern edges of their territory.
This group gave their name to the Roman settlement at Worcester - Branogena -
which breaks down into 'raven clan' (discussed in greater detail under the
later rulers of this area, the
Hwicce). They were also the
guardians of the sacred hot wells at Bath, a site of some reverence which
people would visit, trying to get as close as possible to the spring at the
centre of the marsh which was where the hot water emerged from below the
earth, a path to another world.
(Information by Peter Kessler, with additional information by Edward Dawson,
Dave Hayward, and April Claridge-Elstob, from The Oxford History of
England: Roman Britain, Peter Salway, from Atlas of British History,
G S P Freeman-Grenville (Rex Collins, London, 1979), from Glevum - The
Roman Origins of Gloucester, Nigel Spry, from the BBC series, Sacred
Wonders of Britain, first broadcast on 3 January 2015, from The Coinage
of the Dobunni, Robert D van Arsdell (1994), and from External Links:
Saltford Environment Group, and
Community Landscape
Archaeology Survey Project, and Van Arsdell Celtic Coinage of
Britain (dead link).)
c.300 BC
The
region around the River Avon in the modern city of Bath is occupied by an
unknown people at this time. They could be the ancestors of at least part
of the later Dobunni tribe, but no details are known about them. A lucky
find of an ancient coin near Bath in 2012 is due to extensive flooding in
the region. The coin is dated between 300-264 BC and is most likely to be
produced in the Carthaginian colonies on
Sardinia.
Several similar examples have been found, but only along
Britain's
coastline, not along a river that is certainly used for trading purposes
during the second millennium AD, a use that would seem to date back at
least to this period.
The coin's obverse, left, has an image of Tanit, a Punic and
Phoenician goddess, while the reverse, right, has a horse's head
- horses were a prized asset with a large swathe of
Indo-European peoples which included the Celts who lived in
Britain
While Sardinia is favoured as the coin's place of
manufacture, almost any of the Punic empire's colonies could be responsible,
including
Carthage
itself. Clearly trading links exist at this time between the
Phoenician
colonies and the British Isles, mainly for Britain's tin which is found in
large deposits in Devon and Cornwall. Buried in the silt and mud of the
Avon's banks for 2,300 years, the coin is generally in poor condition, but
its comparative rarity makes it important.
1st century BC
Throughout the course of the century there is evidence in
the region of a new wave of settlements. Some earlier hill forts appear to
fall out of use while others continue to be occupied. Some new settlements
are enclosed, replacing older, open settlements, while other settlements
remain unaltered. The pattern of change is uneven and occurs at different
times across the century. The building of the grand enclosure settlement of
The Bowsings which replaces The Park open settlement occurs at the start of
the century, while the Duntisbourne enclosed settlement appears to be
created towards the end of the century.
The inference is that one of two causes are responsible.
Either it is due to the slow in-filtering of a new people, probably
Belgic
people from the Atrebates or
Belgae regions to the east,
or non-Belgic Celts who had earlier occupied territory to the east being
pushed westwards by the arrival of the aforementioned Atrebates. This raises
the question of who originally occupies these regions before the migration
or formation of the Dobunni (possibly from two smaller groups - see
introduction, above, for details). The northern Somerset area could be
Durotriges or
Dumnonii territory, although
this is farther north than either tribe is usually thought to bear any
influence. Alternatively, the inhabitants could be integrated into the
Dobunni.
c.5 BC - AD 7
If
the Dobunni are indeed vassals of the
Atrebates, or a constituent
part of the tribe as is sometimes suggested, then it is in this period that
they declare their independence. Atrebatean nobles, angered by the
pro-Roman
stance of Tincommius in direct opposition to the policy of his father and
grandfather, seem either found the tribe of the Dobunni from an earlier
subjugated people or liberate the westernmost Atrebateans (or possibly a
combination of both). However, to confuse this view, coinage produced
by the Dobunni would suggest that they have already made a claim for
independence around 30 BC.
This silver coin, both sides of which are shown, were issued
by the Dobunni in the later half of the first century AD -
the obverse, left, shows a Celticised head that was typical
of many Dobunni silver coins
Coinage exists in this period, which is issued from several sites up until
the Roman invasion. There is no certainty that all (or any) of the issuers
are overall kings of the Dobunni tribe. Instead, the tribe may regularly
enjoy dual kingship, and perhaps even that level of unity may be beyond
them. There is evidence of coinage being issued from Bagendon, Ditches, and
possibly Salmonsbury during this period. Coins can be found well to the east
of Dobunni territory (notably in Northamptonshire), showing strong evidence
of intra-Catuvellauni/Dobunnic
trade in Britain.
fl c.10 - c.30
Anted-
Name found on
coinage only. King of north & south Dobunni.
fl c.30
Eisu-
Son? Name found on
coins. King of north & south Dobunni.
Inam- / Inara-
Name found on
coinage only. King of north & south Dobunni.
c.35 - 40
The
Dobunni appear to fracture into northern and southern divisions, or else
they are simply returning to the order that may have existed before
possible unification under Anted.
Catti-
Name found on
coinage only. King of the north.
Comux-
Name found on
coinage only. King of the south.
43
By
now the tribe has certainly divided in two. The north-eastern part, stretching
from the southern side of the Stroud Valley to north-eastern Gloucestershire
and western Oxfordshire, is issuing
Romanised
coinage. In Avon and southern Gloucestershire, the remnant is issuing coins
of a native type. There are also two distinctive pottery styles in use which
show a north-south split. The suggestion is that the
Catuvellauni have gained
some sort of control over the north-eastern section of the Dobunni by this
stage. This would certainly be in line with their policy of subjugating
neighbouring kingdoms.
With the
defeat of the Catuvellauni
by RomanGovernor Aulus Plautius
and Emperor Claudius, part of the Dobunni appear to surrender themselves to
Plautius by means of envoys. It seems likely that the surrender is made by
Bodvoc in defiance of his Catuvellaunian overlords. It cannot be long before
the rest of the Dobunni are conquered, and within a year a fort has been
established at Corinium (modern Cirencester). (Robert D van Arsdell has
Corio dated to 30-15 BC and Bodvoc to 15-10 BC, although they are more
normally shown as ruling at the Roman conquest.)
43 - 47?
There
is reason to believe that the
ex-Catuvellaunian king,
and High King,
Caratacus, shelters with the remaining
anti-Roman
section of the Dobunni. By AD 47 the area is almost certainly included in the
occupied or supervised Roman territory so perhaps this forces him to join the
Silures. The collective
Dobunni remain a Roman client tribe until about AD 97.
In 2011, two metal detectorists discovered what turned out to be
a hoard of Roman artefacts, including 3,800 coins in a clay pot,
at Bredon Hill, near Evesham in Worcestershire
c.49
The
earliest phase of building in the city of Glevum (Gloucester) is begun. A
Roman
legionary fort is founded at what is now Kingsholm, close to an Iron Age
settlement, overlooking the River Severn (although its course has since
changed). The fort probably houses the Twentieth Legion (although a
sizable body of opinion prefers the Second Legion). It is located in the
(possibly friendlier) northern region of Dobunni territory, commanding the
mouth of the River Severn (Sabrina Fluvius) near the Fosse Way, and is
probably close to the southern borders of
Cornovii territory.
61
During
the Iceni-led revolt in
the east, the Silures,
Ordovices, Dobunni, and
perhaps the Durotriges
are probably pinned down by the
Roman
Second Legion and are unable to join Boudicca. The presence of the legion,
under Poenius Postumus, is perhaps due more to fortune than planning. When
Governor Suetonius
marches back from Wales to reassemble the scattered Roman forces at a
location in the Midlands, Postumus refuses to move. Possibly he is
influenced by memories of the death of the praefectus castrorum at
the hands of the Silures during the governorship of Ostorius. When he hears
of Suetonius' victory against Boudicca, Postumus kills himself and his
legion joins the governor in the field.
c.66
The
Kingsholm fortress is prone to flooding so a new and larger fortress is built
on the higher ground one kilometre to the south, at what becomes Gloucester
Cross. It is around this fort that a civilian settlement grows up, forming
the early city. Troops are based here in the build up to the invasion of
Wales, with the first
strike being against the Silures
and Demetae. However, this is
apparently delayed by the events of AD 69, the 'Year of Four Emperors'.
mid-70s
The
Roman fort at Corinium (modern Cirencester) is vacated by legionaries who are
probably off to fight the Silures
and Demetae. In their place,
the Dobunni tribal civitas of Corinium Dobunnorum is founded, perhaps as a
replacement for the tribe's possible client status. The Ala Gallorum Indiana
auxiliary cavalry unit is (or remains) based here, as evidenced by a tombstone
dated to this period on stylistic grounds. Over the next couple of decades the
city's street grid is laid out and slowly filled, mostly by stone public
buildings, private dwellings and shops. The forum and basilica are the largest
in Britain
apart from those on Londinium.
87
Following its campaigns in
Wales and then in
Pictland with Agricola, the
Twentieth Legion returns to Glevum. The fortress undergoes major changes, with
wood being replaced with stone, and new buildings with outer stone walls and
timber-framed internal partitions. The general defences are also greatly
enhanced, making them amongst the most impressive in
Britain
to date.
96 - 98
Roman Emperor Nerva designates the fort and settlement of Glevum a
colonia - Colonia Nervia Glevensium - a self-governing citizen colony
regulated by a council and four magistrates. This certainly ends whatever
client tribal status the Dobunni may have experienced since the Conquest.
Legionaries settle there as a kind of demobilised reserve, officially
retired but liable to be recalled as an auxiliary force should trouble
arise in the sometimes fractious western country. A basilica which houses
the administrative body, and a forum which acts as a market place are also
added. Within fifteen years, civilian buildings replace the original
fortress.
2nd century
The
region is blessed with particularly good soil for
Roman farming methods, and there is a significantly high rate of
villa-building. The Chedworth and Woodchester villas are amongst their number,
both of which possess high quality mosaics. Chedworth is one of the largest
villas in the entire country, built facing east (which is unusual), in a
sheltered spot overlooking the River Coln. Glevum itself is at its height,
and has reached its largest extent. Both it and Corinium are fortified
towards the end of the century.
165 - 180
Plague enters
Rome
from the east, brought back by returning legionaries. It quickly spreads throughout
the empire and is generally known as the Antonine Plague. When it arrives in
Britain
it strikes hard. In 2004, archaeologists uncover the remains of ninety-one men,
women and children dumped haphazardly into a mass grave at Glevum. The bones
are dated to this period, and are unusual as the Romans are typically very
careful about interring their dead. The situation must be fairly dire.
The widespread Antonine Plague that killed these people and
resulted in the use of mass graves is thought to have
been smallpox
3rd century
Archaeologists later unearth a tombstone dating to this century which bears
an inscription of someone who has served in the Twentieth Legion. Although the
legion itself had supposedly left Glevum by the end of the first century AD,
there seem to be a remaining link, perhaps due to Glevum being created a
colonia for the legion in AD 97.
c.300 - 306
Around the very start of the fourth century, changes take place at Glevum.
The second century wall is replaced by one that is stronger and higher, and
with deeper foundations in places. Similar refortification takes place at
Caerwent (in the Ewyas district)
and Caerleon (in the Cernyw
district), as preparations to face a possible threat from the River Severn.
The threat is probably presented by a sudden increase in
Scotti raids from Ireland,
but whether the defences are ever put to the test or not is unknown. Perhaps
linked to this threat, and others, in 305-306, the
Diocese of the
Britains is sub-divided into four provinces. Glevum probably serves as
the capital of Britannia Prima, and perhaps even has its own mint.
c.325
Around this date the beautiful Orpheus mosaic is laid down in Woodchester
villa, not far from Glevum, which remains inhabited until the end of the
century.
mid-5th century
The
region which had belonged to the Dobunni, with extra territory to the north
and south apparently now included, appears to emerge as a new territory in
its own right.
Caer Gloui is unnamed by
any contemporary accounts, but the city which bears that name (modern
Gloucester) would be a highly likely candidate to be a regional capital. It,
rather than the Dobunni civitas of Corinium Dobunnorum (modern Cirencester),
has a commanding position overlooking the Severn, while the stronghold of
Amesbury further to the east of Corinium guards that side of the territory.
Caer
Gloui (Glevum)
The
Romano-British city of Caer Gloui had been founded by the
Romans
as Glevum (modern Gloucester). It was first settled around AD 49 as a
legionary fort, and a city grew up around it. During the fourth century it
probably served as the capital of the province of Britannia Prima within the
Diocese of the
Britains, and it seems to have retained its importance into the fifth
century. While the later name of Caer Gloui is used here, the name of the
territory itself has not survived, and in the fifth century the city may
instead have been known as Glouvia.
Central administration of
Britain appears
to have broken down in the mid-fifth century, to the extent that the regions
began to establish partially or wholly independent districts or kingdoms. The
administration at Caer Gloui found itself in command of much of the land
around the mouth of the Severn, which also encompassed the cities of
Caer Baddan and
Caer Ceri to the south,
essentially making it a successor to the former
Dobunni tribal territory.
In the sixth century, the Romanised district evolved into a kingdom, and
its fall is noted in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. The incoming
Hwicce who took control of
the area maintained the city's name, mispronouncing it in their very
individual Teutonic language, so that it survives today. Romano-British
Glou became Saxon gloe added to -cester from the
Latin castrum (fort), emerging as Gleawanceaster (Gloucester).
Just
about all the (extremely scanty) information we have about the post-Roman
city and the events of the sixth century comes from Gildas' De Excidio
Britannia, Nennius' Historia Brittonum, and Geoffrey of Monmouth's
Historia Regum Britanniae, plus a little from Bede. While Gildas and
Bede can be said to be reliable, Nennius seems to be less so, and Geoffrey
is prone to wild flights of fancy while still retaining a distinct foothold
in events that must have been recorded by sources earlier than him.
Vortigern has a claim on the region as a power base until his fall in the
mid-fifth century. After that, it seems highly likely that Caer Gloui was
one of the centres of operations for Ambrosius Aurelianus during his battles
against the Saxons in the south. It is possible that his father also called
this territory home. Descendants of the two men seem to have based their
claim on the later kingdom on this, if Ambrosius himself didn't specify their
continued rule in the city, which is a possibility.
(Information by Peter Kessler, with additional information by Edward Dawson,
from The Cambridge Historical Encyclopaedia of Great Britain and Ireland,
Christopher Haigh (Ed), from The Oxford History of England: Roman Britain,
Peter Salway, from Glevum - The Roman Origins of Gloucester, Nigel
Spry, from History of the Kings of Britain, Geoffrey of Monmouth,
from the Historia Brittonum (The History of the Britons),
Nennius, and De Excidio Brittaniae et Conquestu (On the Ruin of Britain),
Gildas (both J A Giles, Ed & Trans, 1841, published as part of Six Old
English Chronicles (Henry G Bohn, London, 1848)), from A History of
the English Church and People, The Venerable Bede (Leo Sherley-Price
translation - revised by R E Latham).)
Aurelius
Ambrosius is the official representative of
Roman
Emperor Honorius to the
British provincial
council and is claimed as a prince, marking him out as a member of the
Romano-British nobility. The country is reorganising at this time, following
the expulsion of Roman administration, but links with Rome are clearly being
maintained.
c.418 - 425
This period is said to witness the increasing influence
and power of Vortigern of the
Pagenses, culminating in his high-kingship. The provincial
council decides, and external factors dictate, the need for strong, central,
leadership in the country, and the impression is that Aurelius Ambrosius is
not strong enough to offer a viable alternative. It seems that he and Vortigern
form the figureheads for opposing parties, but for the moment it is the latter
who has dominance.
c.432 - 436
Aurelius Ambrosius is apparently a leader of a
British
council, which presumably answers to Vortigern. It is his decision to confirm
the Irish Deisi
as commanders of the Demetia area of the west coast to counter the threat of
Irish raiders. Vortigern
acquiesces and assigns Ambrosius 'Dinas Emrys and all the western lands',
suggesting that Ambrosius becomes the architect for the defence of these western
areas. This is motivated by the council's reluctance to depend entirely on
Saxon mercenaries, with their constant demands for increased provisions,
especially in an area were they would be lightly supervised. The Deisi have
already been settled for some time and would be self-supporting.
With discord building in the country between about 420-450, many
Romano-Britons left in a hurry, burying their wealth in the hope
that they could return in better times to collect it
c.437/438
According to Gildas and Nennius when referring to either
Aurelius Ambrosius or his son, this family represents the Romanised
nobility in
Britain.
It is possible that by this time, as elsewhere, a magistrate is in charge
of the governance of Caer Gloui (and seemingly
Caer Baddan and
Caer Ceri too, given that
the three cities are closely linked). Given the later role of Ambrosius
Aurelianus in this region, it seems entirely possible (although hypothetical),
that his father now fills this position.
Ambrosius
(the Elder) has long been Vortigern's main rival, with it seeming likely
that they not only head two opposing factions in the country, but also
opposing ideologies, with Ambrosius retaining his Romanised,
Roman Church
background while Vortigern is leader of the Pelasgian
pro-Celtic
party. Around this year, internecine warfare breaks out between the two
rival factions, resulting in the Battle of Guolloppum (Cat Guolph, Wallop
in Hampshire). The result is uncertain, but it is probably followed by a
period of civil strife in eastern and southern Britain.
c.440 - 443
In the early 440s the
Saxonfoederati and laeti revolt, causing widespread chaos and
temporarily controlling swathes of the country. Soon after this, the
defences of both Caer Baddan and
Caer Ceri are repaired. In the
latter, flood prevention work is carried out on the Verulamium gate.
446
Serious plague hits southern
Britain and unburied
bodies are to be found in the streets of
Caer Ceri. The town contracts to
some wooden huts inside the amphitheatre.
It is this point at which Ambrosius the Elder, who must be an old man in his
sixties, also dies, 'in these same broils', ie. the
Saxon revolt, although according to tradition it is the plague which
actually claims him. Ambrosius' surviving family is in hiding by now (traditionally
in Armorica), avoiding the
vengeful clutches of Vortigern. An archaeological excavation at a site
in modern Gloucester produced an early fifth-century secondary burial in a
Roman
funerary building with indications that the man had been of high rank. Could
this have been Ambrosius the Elder?
446 - 455
At the same time as the Anglo-Saxon mercenaries in the east revolt (in 455),
the entrance to Caer Gloui's amphitheatre is reduced in size to make it easier
to defend, and life continues, as evidenced by fifth and sixth century pottery.
Times were tough in the mid-fifth century, and Britain's
resources were not what they had once been, what with barbarians
on the doorstep and withdrawal from the fading Roman empire, so
Caer Gloui's amphitheatre had to be made defendable (Nemausus (Nimes)
amphitheatre shown here)
There is a gap in what can be pieced together of the story at this point, with
Ambrosius Aurelianus, the son of Ambrosius the Elder, not emerging into
British affairs until
perhaps 455 or 460. Given the period at which he appears to be at his most
influential, his date of birth is probably around 430, making him too young to
succeed his father immediately as a possible magistrate of Caer Gloui, so it
seems likely that someone else, a possible deputy or one of Vortigern's
supporters, assumes command.
c.446 - c.455?
?
Name unknown, possibly a deputy of Aurelius Ambrosius.
Ambrosius (and perhaps the elusive Arthur after him) seems to base himself in
the territory of Caer Gloui. Amesbury (which in a Saxon charter of about 880 is
spelled Ambresbyrig, 'the stronghold of Ambrosius'), located on the territory's
eastern borders, is perfectly suited to be the focus of Ambrosius' military
operations. He probably governs the territory as a
Roman
magistrate rather than as a princeps or king (although he is claimed
as the first king by later chroniclers).
It seems likely that the Wansdyke is constructed around this time, possibly
in response to further
Saxon incursions to the east. Groups from the
Thames Valley
appear to force their way into the western end of neighbouring
Cynwidion while
further groups from the
Middil Engle push through
the Vale of Aylesbury to complete the encirclement of that kingdom, exposing
Caer Ceri's eastern border in
the process. There is the possibility that during this period Glevum's
residents leave in some numbers to head to
Cernyw, on the other side of
the Severn, although the connection is tenuous apart from the change in that
kingdom's name to Glywyssing around 470-480.
All
building and repair work on major new defensive works probably comes to an
end with the British victory of Mons Badonicus around 496, with the siege
possibly being fought outside
Caer Baddan.
?
Name unknown.
c.500
The city shows modest re-growth now that peace has been won, and later
archaeology shows that a new north gate is created in the city's walls at
the beginning of the sixth century. The old gate is now ruined and blocked.
However, by this time, the old city is in a very run-down state, and new
building work is only in wood. The focus of settlement seems to be nearer
the river, away from the
Roman
city which has suffered from assault and plague during the previous century.
?
Name unknown.
c.540
The
three cities, Caer Gloui,
Caer Baddan and Caer Ceri,
still apparently form a single kingdom (called Guenet by Nennius). This seems
to be partially borne out when Gildas infers that Aurelius Caninus is ruling
his kingdom as a single political entity instead of one of three minor
states.
fl 540
Aurelius Caninus
High King. Named by
Gildas. Still ruled the united three cities?
c.550
Around
this time, either upon the death of Aurelius or his successor, the unnamed
fifth king, the single kingdom based at Caer Gloui divides into
Caer Baddan,
Caer Ceri and Caer Gloui.
This is probably a result of the kingdom being divided between sons, an
act that is based on traditional
Celtic
practise. The act suggests that a true kingship is being practised by this
time, rather than the previous
Romanised
role of magistrate.
Despite the focus of settlement now being away from the old
fort, Glevum's Roman walls were still very much in use in the
sixth century, at least until the city's fall to the West Seaxe
?
Name unknown.
c.570s
The name of the last king is rather remarkable in that it breaks down as
'Con' meaning 'dog' and 'mail/fael' meaning servant. Speculatively speaking,
this 'dog servant' may have links to the kings of
Glastenning to the south.
The king there, Cyndrwyn Glas, is also king of
Dogfeilion, which name means
'servant of [the god] Dagda'.
However, a much more likely reason is the sense of humour sometimes
exhibited by the Welsh (even today)
in naming their offspring. Conmail's grandfather, Aurelius Caninus, may well
have been alive at the time of his birth. What better jest than to poke gentle
fun at the mostly pagan naming convention of 'Cuno-' ('cyn') added to this or
that god than by naming someone just plain 'dog' (Aurelius Caninus, the latter
being the Latin for dog), and then in his grandson combining it with the mostly
Christian convention of mal/mail/mael?
Caer Gloui, together with
Caer Baddan and Caer Ceri,
falls to the West Seaxe
following the Battle of Deorham or Dyrham (an event which is rather obtusely
doubted by some but which would be entirely in keeping with the pattern of
Saxon advance to the west). With this collapse, the territory of
Caer Celemion
to the east is now totally isolated, and
Dumnonia is cut off
from any overland contact with other surviving
British
territories. Gwent and
Pengwern now form the
western frontier against further Saxon advances.
The Hwicce take over the
territory and eventually push its borders north into Worcestershire, at
the expense of Pengwern. However, rather than simply sweep away all that
is British, they appear to form a new top layer of aristocracy over a
largely British population that retains much of what it had before,
possibly even down to its church organisation.